DECRETO 179/2004, de 30 de noviembre, por el que se establecen las bases reguladoras y normas de aplicación del régimen de ayudas para la mejora y modernización de las estructuras de producción de las explotaciones agrarias en la Comunidad Autónoma de Extremadura y se convocan ayudas a la primera instalación de jóvenes agricultores.

Sección:I - Disposiciones Generales
Emisor:Consejería de Agricultura y Medio Ambiente
Rango de Ley:Decreto
 
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EXTRACTO GRATUITO

Se desestima el Recurso Contencioso-Administrativo interpuesto por D. Alberto , contra la Resolución de 9/Julio/98 del Jurado Provincial de Expropiación Forzosa de Valencia, recaída en expediente 456/96,sobre justiprecio de parcela expropiada para ejecución del proyecto "48-V-2990. Ronda Norte de Valencia. Conexión Corredor Comarcal con la Ronda de Tránsitos y la, VV-7001 (Juan XXIII - Emilio Baró)".

  1. No procede hacer imposición de costas.

A su tiempo, y con Certificación literal de la presente, devuélvase el expediente administrativo a su centro de procedencia.

Así, por ésta nuestra Sentencia, lo pronunciamos, mandamos y firmamos.

PUBLICACION.- Leída y publicada ha sido la anterior sentencia por el Iltmo. Sr. Magistrado Ponente que: ha sido para la resolución del presente recurso, estando celebrando audiencia pública esta Sala, de la que, como Secretario de la misma, certifico en Valencia, y fecha que antecede.

[ED] W (Herald Tribune)

[DD] 03/12/2003

[CU] HT (Herald Tribune)

[SC] UN (Única)

[PP] 5

[HH] The modern possibility

[BB] JORGE EDWARDS

[QQ] Pio Baroja held, with some sense and some nonsense, and in any case with hisacid humor, that we were the "dumb" continent. I tend to think that we are many things and that we are, above all, contradictory. We have elements of the First World and many, perhaps too many, of the Third. There are neighborhoods in Santiago de Chile today that have an ultramodern, highly developed look. "This is Switzerland!" say visitors from Peru, Venezuela or Spain. But then you arrive at an important avenue, and you find the chaos, the din, the danger of collective locomotion. In a few steps we have passed from Switzerland to the Third World - perhaps the most typical of Latin American experiences. In his extraordinary novel Los pasos perdidos, one of the literary classics of our part of the world, Alejo Carpentier tells of leaving a 20th century city and, in a few hours, entering the Stone Age. Throughout Latin America we live within a certain visible, tangible modernity, but always threatened by a barbarity which is just around the corner.

[QQ] In recent times there has been insistent talk, in curious tones, of the international isolation of Chile. Many think that the relative stability of the Chilean economy and its annual growth rates, which in general terms with a few exceptions have been higher that those ofthe rest of the region, cause feelings of hostility and envy, and tendentious criticism. It is even suggested that the recent statements of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, the expression of his romantic vacation dream of "going swimming on a Bolivian beach," is part of an anti-Chilean campaign. To me it seems there has been an excessive reaction by Chilean politicians to this bad joke - made, indeed, by a person who has accustomed his own nationals and the rest of us to his unfortunate remarks. What I have believed for some time, and the frequent outbursts of Hugo Chávez are no more than a confirmation, is that Latin American politics as a whole is the most verbal, discursive and language-dependent of any in the contemporary world. It's a phenomenon that philologists ought to study more closely. It used to be said, in recommending a politician or even an ambassador, that "he/she speaks very well." To speak well meant, in practice, to speak in a florid, superabundant style, saying aslittle as possible. Fidel Castro practised this sort of verbal diarrhea for decades, and was applauded in the most serious circles in Europe and America. In Europe they applaud situations in faraway foreign places, in countries deemed exotic, which they would never applaud at home. Hugo Chávez has the limelight just now, Sub-Comandante Marcos had it not long ago, and the coca grower Evo Morales is a serious contender for the role. All this has some meaning, and is a symptom of something, but itdoesn't really mean very much. It is revealing, for example, that Luiz Ignacio da Silva, after resorting to every imaginable sort of verbal artillery in his campaign, has since become another sort of leader, and above all else, a sober president. This is a sign of more developed intelligence, and of the fact that Brazil, after all, is better connected to the international community.

[QQ] The very notion that today's Chile, owing to its relative success and its character as a reasonable country, is isolated on the continent, is a fallacy. There is an important sector in Latin America, probably a majority, which would like to follow a model of development similar to that of Chile. This is heard every day from visitors here. Without trying, we have come to be a land of refuge for Peruvians, Ecuadorans, Argentines. We were a land of political refuge in the past, and now an economic refuge. There are Cuban doctors and paramedics, for example, around every corner. We have achieved some progress in the elimination of extreme poverty, but the results in the struggle against inequality have been almost null. This is the seed of conflict, of permanent social agitation. We make dramatic efforts in education, in public health, and we still lag behind.

[QQ] This is a complex situation. To opt for demagogy, for radical discontent, for demonstrations in the street, is still a permanent temptation. How to propose patience, resignation, when the needs are urgent, evident, extreme? Neo-liberal discourse points to isolated cases: this family here, which in a few years have succeeded in building a soft-drinks multinational, or so-and-so with his or her supermarkets, or another with stock market transactions. But we are far from a situation in which citizens can have egalitarian access to education and through it to decent jobs and an acceptable standard of living. On the other hand, what sense is there in impatience and violence? I remember what this country was 30, and 20, years ago; and realistically observe, without dreaming or asking for the moon, what it is today. We are far from being Switzerland, in spite of the tourists' exclamations, but we are in a condition that allows some concrete progress. They attack us now and then, but this is a sign that we are moving. But our regional situation, our relations with our neighbors, has never been easy. Important efforts have been made, with long-term vision, and we have made progress in relations with Peru and Argentina. For a long time, the fear of a surprise attack, absurd though it may now seem, was a determining factor in diplomacy with these countries.

[QQ] Rightly viewed our third-world condition, that of a dumb continent, is a possibility, a sort of phantasm that haunts us, but it seems to be receding. There does exist, as I have often said, a noisy third-world international, including Chiapas, Caracas and Havana and extending to some regions of Bolivia; but to take its discourse seriously and literally isessentially a mistake. According to this discourse there are perverse outside factors that explain all our ills: globalization, the market, imperialism.

[QQ] In spite of everything, I think there exists a Latin American rationality. Even the Cubanrevolution has had to become more rational and reasonable. Evo Morales furiously opposes the sale of Bolivian gas to the United States, but coca is the raw material of cocaine. And who is the principal buyer - where do they sell the cocaine made from the coca grower's "left-over" leaves, surely not entirely destined to "medicinal" use? On this point, I have always maintained that Chile ought to give much greater priority to the solution of its problems with Bolivia. We like to say that we have no unfinished business, that it was all resolved in the treaties. Yet this is formal and illusory. We have no pending juridical problems, if you wish, but we do have a smoldering human and historic conflict which flames up now and then. To maintain it in the 21st century is a gross anachronism. If we change this radically, with imaginative political will, the atmosphere of the whole region may become less verbose and more breathable. We may then invite Hugo Chávez for a swim in the waters of theSouth Pacific.

[PG] Jorge Edwards is a Chilean writer Pio Baroja held, with some sense and some nonsense, and in any case with his acid humor, that we were the "dumb" continent. I tend to think that we are many things and that we are, above all, contradictory. We have elements of the First World and many, perhaps too many, of the Third. There are neighborhoods...

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